A Qualitative Study on the Experience of Military Life and Ministry of Korean Christian Female Military Pastors

Abstract

The purpose of this study was to understand who female military pastors are in the Korean military and examine their military lives and ministry experiences through in-depth interviews and qualitative analysis. Six of the eight female military pastors currently working participated in this study. Seven major themes were identified: motivation to apply, role confusion and ambiguity, token women in the Korean military, perceived barriers or bias, equality experience, lack of network or mentor, and work and family balance. This study was helpful for obtaining a deeper understanding of female military pastors who exist as a minority in the Korean military. This study also provides basic information for the seminary education of future female military pastors and policies for female leaders working in the Korean military.

1. Introduction

The number of female experts in various fields is increasing in Korea. In addition, this trend has become more common in the Korean military system, a hypermasculine space. With the anniversary of the enrollment of 31 female officers at the Central Student Soldier Training Center (Jungang Hakdo Hunlyeonso) in July 1949, female soldiers in Korea now have a history of over 70 years (Cho and Seo 2018; Ministry of National Defense 2011). The military academy appointed 16 female military officers in 2002, and for the first time in 2015, female students entered KAAY (Korea Army Academy at Yeongcheon). According to the 2014 Defense White Paper, it was planned to increase the ratio of female soldiers to 7% for officers and 5% for non-commissioned officers by 2020, but the number of female officers was achieved as an expansion target early in 2017 (Ministry of National Defense 2014; Yoo 2020).

As the proportion of women in the Korean military increases, and the role of female military personnel expands, interest in female military chaplaincy has also gradually increased in Korea. Military chaplains have played roles as both ordained and commissioned officers (Hansen 2012). According to the Korean Military Service Act (2013), a military chaplain in the Korean military system is defined as a person who performs as a pastor, priest, monk, or other equivalent role, with a bachelor’s degree or higher, and whose qualification is recognized by each affiliated religious organization and is stipulated along with the duty, legal, and veterinary officers. In addition to Christians, Catholics, Buddhists, and Won Buddhists, related clergies in the Korean military have joined as officers to form military chaplaincy, and Christian military chaplains are generally referred to as military pastors, Gun Jong Mok-sa, or Gun Mok (Order of Ministry of National Defense 2009; Ko 2016). As of 2020, there are approximately 255 military pastors serving as military chaplains from Presbyterian (e.g., Kosin, Gijang, Daishin/Baekseok, Tonghab, Habdong, Kiseong, and Yeseong), Methodist, Baptist, and Assemblies of God denominations, and about 1004 military churches in Korea (Kim 2020; Yoo 2020).

The roots of the female military pastor of the Korean Army traces back to 26 June 26 2015 (Yoo 2020). Prior to that date, there had been various discussions on the female military pastor system. As a practical discussion, the starting point was a review of the plan to introduce female military pastors by the Ministry of National Defense in 2009 (Yang 2009). In August of that year, the Ministry of National Defense sent an official letter to the 11 Christian denominations that already had male military pastors to request opinions on candidates for female military pastors. This was the first trial of the Ministry of National Defense, reflecting the Christian community’s demand for the establishment of a new female Christian chaplaincy system. According to various denominational perspectives on female ordination, six denominations agreed with the establishment of female pastors, and five denominations expressed their disagreement. In addition, some male military pastors expressed opposition; thus, it would have been difficult to introduce the female military pastor system at that time (Ji and Baek 2009). Afterward, the Ministry of National Defense distributed a press release in 2014 stating that it had decided to open 14 female chaplaincies in the military department for the next five years (Ministry of National Defense News Release 2013; Yoo 2020); in fact, in 2014, one Buddhist female chaplain was sent to the army (Kim 2013), followed by two female military pastors in 2015 (You 2015). It was not until 2015 that three female military chaplains were ordained, and the number of female military pastors has currently reached eight. Along with that of female soldiers, the number of female military pastors is expected to increase in the Korean military system. However, despite this situation, research on female military pastors who occupy an important position in the Korean military mission is lacking, and military chaplains remain an unexplored topic in Korean academia (Kang 2016). In addition, no studies focus on Christian female military pastors except Lee’s (2009) research on the necessity of the establishment of a Christian female military chaplaincy and Yoo’s (2020) research on Korean Christian Perceptions of Korean Female Military Chaplains. The ninth symposium of the Military Mission Association on the subject, “The Role of Women for Efficient Military Missions,” and Volume 7 of the Journal of Military Mission Theology with the topic of role of female officers and equity in the military and the role of women in military missionary work were other important academic attempts related to Christian female military pastors (Kwak 2009; Yoo 2020). In 2020, which marks the 70th anniversary of the outbreak of the 1950 Korean War, five years after the female military chaplaincy was established, it would be meaningful to explore the military and ministry experiences of female military pastors.

2. Methods

2.1. Participants

The subjects of the current study included eight female military pastors currently working (as of February 2020). The researcher explained the purpose and outline of the study to the participants and obtained their consent. The snowball sampling method was used to recruit participants. Referral processes such as the snowball technique are used to study rare or elite populations and high-achieving women (e.g., Davies-Netzley 1998; Dyke and Murphy 2006; Emory and Cooper 1991). Three participants were interviewed with the help of the researcher’s personal contacts, a Christian university professor and the Military Evangelical Association of Korea. After that, the participants were asked to recommend other military pastors who could provide different perspectives. Finally, six of the eight female military pastors were allowed to participate in this study. Two of the potential participants did not respond to an invitation. Data were collected through interviews with six participants, and data collection continued until data saturation occurred.

The characteristics of the participants are listed in

Table 1. Participant characteristics.

Participants Code	Age	Education	Military Rank	Marriage/# of Children	Unit	Ordained Denomination
1	Late 20s	Master’s degree	First Lieutenant	Single	Army	Baptist
2	Early 30s	Master’s degree	Captain	Single	Marine Cops	Baptist
3	Early 30s	Master’s degree	Captain	Married	Army	Baptist
4	Mid-30s	Master’s degree	Captain	Married/1	Air force	Presbyterian (Baekseok)
5	Mid-30s	Master’s degree	Captain	Single	Air force	Presbyterian (Tonghab)
6	Late 30s	Master’s degree	Captain	Married	Marine Cops	Presbyterian (Tonghab)

. To protect their identity as much as possible, only minimal characteristics were revealed. The participants were not asked to identify their job descriptions. The female military pastors ranged in age from the late 20s to late 30s, with an average age of 32. They had an average of 3.5 years of service experience. There were three married pastors, and one of them had a child; the others were single. Two pastors worked in the Air Force, two in the Marine Corps, and two in the Army.

2.2. Study Design

A qualitative method was used to gather information on the underlying military experience and ministry of Korean female military pastors according to the Consolidated Criteria for Reporting Qualitative Research (Tong et al. 2007). All participants were informed about the research in detail, including the study purpose, study method, protection of private information, and participant rights. Further, the participants were notified that their interviews would be digitally videoed and that they could stop the interview whenever they felt uncomfortable with the issues being discussed.

The data were collected in face-to-face or online semi-structured interviews conducted by the researcher via ZOOM. The interviews contained various questions concerning general experiences regarding the role of military pastors and perceived discrimination in the Korean military context. The current study is concerned with two key questions: respondents were asked how they understood and experienced their role conception as female military pastors and whether perceived discrimination or bias toward female military pastors affected their role performance. All transcripts were read and coded by researchers and student assistants. Major themes that emerged from the answers to the relevant questions were recorded instead of using predetermined categories. To assess reliability, a professor with a PhD in psychology reviewed all contents of the participants’ interviews using the themes developed by the primary coders. Data were chosen in consultation with an expert review. Participants were randomly selected to review the results and verify the accuracy and objectivity of the analysis process, and direct quotes from participants were used throughout the analysis.

3. Results

Seven major themes were identified from the analysis of the interview data: motivation to apply, role confusion and ambiguity, token women in the Korean military, perceived barriers or bias, equality experience, lack of network or mentor, and work and family balance. The experiences of female military pastors in their lives and ministries are described for each category.

3.1. Motivation to Apply

Most participants answered that they were not interested in working in the military as a career. They did not know how to become military pastors at first, except for one participant. However, female chaplaincy had aroused vague curiosity. Although it was an unknown world, they applied for the position with the desire to challenge the status quo. Military missions and solicitation of stable jobs were also important reasons for their application.

-

I worked for about five years in my first ministry, and the senior pastor recommended a female military pastor. He recommended me as good for ministering as a woman in terms of salary and the ministry environment. At that time, I did not think about becoming a military pastor, so I just passed it over; but the words remained in my heart, and I prayed for 7–8 years. In the meantime, the path of the female military pastor was opened, and in the first year, it was both fearful and burdensome for me to go to the military, so I did not apply at first but did [later] with some recommendation in order not to regret my decision (#5).

-

As I read articles and news about the selection of Korean female military pastors in 2015, I learned that the path is now open for military missions… And, as usual, at the end of the second semester of the third year of the Master of Divinity program, I pondered and prayed about my career path. While praying, I felt that the opportunity to apply as a military pastor might be the first and last in my life. I wanted to apply regardless of the outcome (#1).

-

I never thought I would become a female military pastor, and I did not know whether I could, but I only applied because I knew it was a possibility, and it was a new opportunity. Ministry stability and missional passion were also motivations for applying (#4).

-

Among the changes that have occurred in me since I met Jesus is developing a sense of adventure. When I received the denomination’s recommendation call about becoming a military pastor, I was very discouraged and desperate because of the change in my body that I experienced after the surgery, but I was thrilled to see something new. In my mind, as soon as I hung up the phone, [I said,] “Challenge! Let us go on an adventure!” As a woman, I was worried about having surgery and applying to the military, but I had higher expectations for something new (#2).

3.2. Role Confusion and Ambiguity

All participants had experienced culture shock in the military class society that they had encountered for the first time. Even as pastors, they were given a military rank and had to play a role in military affairs and reporting systems. Unlike the atmosphere of churches that ministers are found in, they experienced being treated according to their rank even if they were pastors. Participants experienced confusion and conflict between the culture of the Christian faith and the special culture of the military, whose main objective was to form their values. Participants had the dual status of officers and pastors after being appointed as military pastors; to beginners, neither the pastor nor the officer’s role was familiar, and they had to manage four or five military churches with no prior experience as senior pastors. They struggled because they could not find a role that suited their position and status in the deployed unit due to role ambiguity. Beginner military pastors experienced a role conflict due to the dual status of the commander’s staff and the Christian pastor, and they experienced confusion and tension while moderately ignoring the two roles.

-

We also exist as pastors; however, because we exist together as members of the military society, we must understand the reality of the military base and cooperate with each other and cannot be separated from pastoral ministry (#2).

-

I always have to be 100% soldier, 100% pastor, but I am a little like 100% pastor. As a person, I must have thought that I would only need 50% (#3).

-

It seems to be a characteristic of the military church that church services, all activities, and instructions can be changed according to the unit situation (e.g., training) or instructions. In addition, as active-duty officers and soldiers are together, there are some areas that are difficult to deal with in the church due to rank (#5).

-

I felt that the unit’s attention was focused on the safety of soldiers, and on unit events, training, and consolation rather than worship. In this atmosphere, when the motivation as a pastor was lost, and when the unit was in need of the role of a soldier rather than a pastor, there was skepticism about why I should be in the military (#4).

3.3. Token Women in the Korean Military

Kanter (1977) stated that a token refers to women whose gender ratio is less than 15% within an organization (Zimmer 1988). Because tokens are so small that they cannot form a group numerically, they often do not have real power and only have a vague nominal position. In people’s eyes, token women contradictorily appear as special persons on the one hand, but they are not recognized as individuals with their own characteristics on the other hand. Recognizing that women are evaluated not as individuals but as a collective, the token status of female military pastors affected their attitude toward work because the sense of responsibility as a female military pastor acted as a pressure factor in performing their duties. In addition, the male-centered military culture made female military pastors choose to defend themselves as women out of concern and fear of rumors.

-

I worked while thinking that I represented a female military pastor. If I did well, my juniors would come next. If I was wrong, I would make a bad impression on other military pastors, and I have always felt pressured to do well (#2).

-

It’s nice to get attention, but it used to make me be careful about my behaviors. I want to hang out alone, but others may not think that way, and there are things that I notice myself; I feel like rumors will spread when I go there, and they will be bad rumors. I am fine, but I think it’s because the other person might be in an uncomfortable situation (#4).

-

Because I am a woman, there are things that stand out even if I do well. If I have little physical strength, you say that it is very good; if I keep it up a little, you say that it is great; and if I am a male soldier, it is natural; but this could be reverse discrimination (#5).

-

If you do something well, it becomes a good thing because you are a woman, and if you do not, it becomes something you cannot do because you are a woman. As the uniqueness of my name disappeared, it was difficult to be rewarded and proud of my work. I wonder if these thoughts made me hesitate to demonstrate leadership … How many more female military pastors will be in the Korean military? Eight women, including myself, have already been elected as female military pastors, so is there a reason to choose another woman? (#1).

3.4. Perceived Barriers or Bias

The few female military pastors said that they were perceived as beings that caused discomfort in a male-centered society (the military). When male soldiers directly or indirectly express their discomfort, the female military pastors also feel negative emotions; however, recognition, as an uncomfortable entity, allows them to demonstrate social skills as strategies to survive in the group. These expressions are contained in the interview content. Even in the military, female pastors experience conflict with traditional gender role stereotypes. Even though they are soldiers who need to cultivate combat power, they are considered weak objects of protection; therefore, female pastors feel uncomfortable in being regarded as women and try not to reveal their own femininity. They also said that female military pastors in general are expected to be more nurturing to soldiers or church members. Most respondents recorded that they had encountered situations where their gender affected their ministry, and perceived barriers or bias toward female pastors negatively influenced it.

-

The army is basically a male-centered group, and women in it have experienced emotional difficulties. After completing basic military training, the female pastors moved into the self-employed unit and began working in the military in earnest, feeling alienated as a minority group. In the military, I realized that I really belonged to a minority group, and sometimes excessive attention was a burden (#4).

-

The common people and the general pastoral and good pastoral images that the existing members have are all of men. As a result, there are times when I am asked for a masculine pastoral award. I can say that my female strengths are not my strengths in the military … I was frustrated at times as these became unattainable goals (#2).

-

In addition, sexual violations are very discouraged among soldiers, and because of my being a woman, I often felt alienated because my fellowship with other male chaplains was limited … Gender influences the way I relate to people. I feel that I am sometimes less effective in reaching out to men than women in the military church (#1).

3.5. Equality Experience

All female military pastors responded that they experienced gender discrimination in the military church less than in the previous church they served before becoming a military chaplain. Male pastors in the Korean military, as a beginner military pastor, experienced culture shock and internal resistance to the military (Ko 2016). They were in a position of respect as pastors before enlisting in the military, but they now had to be ordered and controlled by ranks. However, female pastors experienced relatively low working conditions, such as serving in small churches and receiving low pay and benefits in the Korean church context (Yoo and You 2021); thus, they feel that it is more equal to be treated by their classes in the military.

-

Since I served as a military pastor rather than a female pastor, I did not feel that there would be much difference in the ministry role between male and female pastors. Rather, it was nice to be able to organize ministry by rank in the military church (#5).

-

Even female pastors are not different in the ministry. Female military pastors have never been given a feminine role, and they share the same roles… The main feature of the military church is that it has a large number of young men. The military church I serve is with over 90% of them [men] in their 20s. Had it not been for the military church, this kind of ministry would have been given only to male pastors (#1).

-

Before I was a military pastor, I worked as an evangelist in two local churches. Although it seems natural to decorate the chapel, clean up, prepare meals, and take care of children, it was the reality of female evangelists that they were always excluded from important ministry. However, here, class beats gender (#6).

3.6. Lack of Network or Mentor

The most discussed problems concerned the lack of good communication or interactions with female mentors, which had led the participants to avoid asking questions and help. Previous studies on mentors suggested that men are promoted to higher ranks than women, even because most of them have mentors, and women do not (Burke and McKeen 1990; Fitt and Newton 1981; Wellington and Spence 2001). Mentor support helped women’s career advancement by increasing that of women protégés (Tharenou 2005). The absence of a mentor is inevitable because it has not been long since the female military pastor system in Korean military was established; however, a proper program related to mentorship seems urgent.

-

Bonds and networks between men help work and become supportive of each other.

-

On the other hand, women could not expect much from their seniors among the male military pastors, and not many females were senior military pastors, so they felt alienated (#2).

-

There is no such thing as pulling or pushing. I do not have a mentor. It does mean that I have to go through trial and error. It means that male military pastors have someone to help them when they make mistakes. Men do it. In our case, it was systematically difficult because we are in a position to be the mentor of our future juniors. There is nowhere to get help or ask from when it is difficult (#4).

-

Although not a military pastor, I have heard about childbirth or parental leave as a female military member through general female officers. However, it is difficult to continue asking questions for other officers in other positions (#6).

3.7. Work and Family Balance

Two of the three married pastors said that they faced difficulties as women in a social structure where the responsibility for family work was more strongly demanded of women. Even though the female military pastor is a professional soldier, she is required to hold childcare or household responsibility in the Korean family system. Therefore, the issue of not being free from traditional gender roles and experiencing the burden of housework became evident. Other Korean studies supported that women in general workplaces have more difficulties maintaining work–family balance than men (Ka 2006; Jang and Kim 2003).

-

Although it is a personal situation, the difficulty in getting married is that it is a weekend commitment, so it is difficult to receive or give emotional support from or to the family. Even if it is not a weekend commitment, the military pastor also seems to have little time to spend with his family, even if it is outside of normal rush hours, because the service is in the early morning and evening. As a woman, not being able to take care of my husband or family work feels like a burden (#6).

-

Since the military pastor is the senior pastor of a church, things get difficult during pregnancy. Due to changes in the body, it is difficult to lead all worship services. As a military pastor (the senior pastor) with early morning service duty, Friday evening service, and overnight training, childrearing seems to be possible only with full-time support from husbands, mothers, and other family members. However, the reality is that there may not be a husband who will fully support his wife’s ministry, and even if he does, a father who raises a child is not well-received. Even if my parents do it, elderly parents may have limited physical strength (#4).

4. Discussion

The purpose of this study was to understand who female military pastors are in the Korean military and examine their military lives and ministry experiences through in-depth interviews and qualitative analysis. This study showed seven emerging concepts: motivation to apply, role confusion and ambiguity, token women in the Korean Military, perceived barriers or bias, equality experience, lack of network or mentor, and work and family balance. Most female military pastors did not intend to become military pastors and were confused about their role as military pastors, officers, and pastors. The role confusion in military chaplaincies has been previously studied. The psychological conflict among the novice military chaplains was caused by cultural shock and internal resistance to the military (Ko 2016). Female military pastors also struggled with their first encounter with class society, the military’s way of working, and the conflict of priorities pursued by the military and faith. Therefore, future female military pastors must acknowledge and prepare for the possibility of structural conflict between military values and values of faith, in addition to their own problem of confusion of roles.

Negative experiences of female military pastors regarding their role in the Korean military and, in particular, their inability to be recognized as individuals rather than as a collective of women, have been understood as their token status, making them a low proportion in Korean military chaplaincy. However, increasing the acceptance of female pastors in Korean churches and the availability of leadership positions to women, without addressing the male-dominated culture embedded in the Korean church context mixed with Confucianism, has exacerbated women’s occupational satisfaction (Yoo and You 2021). Therefore, in order for female military pastors to survive in the Korean military, their status should be understood in a male-centered culture, and in particular, as men and women, as well as dominant and few based on tokenisms.

Female military pastors experienced perceived barriers or biases while performing their roles. They confessed that they worked with invisible limits as women. This is consistent with previous studies, which found that female employees perceived gender discrimination in the workplace (Bobbitt-Zeher 2011; Heilman and Caleo 2018; Kim et al. 2017). However, ironically, they felt equal in the military despite experiencing gender discrimination. This seems to be because they had worked with greater inequality within the church ministry—including for ministry options, salary, and benefits—before they came to the military church. Although women had some limitations, they seemed to experience greater equality as they were being acknowledged by rank. A noteworthy aspect of this study is their bipolar experience, by which they felt the limitations of being women but also experienced equality within their ranks.

Most female military pastors experienced difficulties due to the absence of a mentor. Making mentoring relationships available to female military pastors is an urgent matter that reflects an increasing need. Previous studies argued that often women could not face the reality of the male-dominated business culture without a mentor, and they failed to receive the sponsorship needed to recognize them as talented and to guide them in their career advancement (Noe 1988; Dashper 2019; Solomon et al. 1986; Tharenou 2005). The development of a mentorship program for female military pastors seems urgent in that it would be helpful in dismantling persistent fragments of the glass ceiling and enabling female military pastors to progress to senior positions or survive in the Korean military.

Although most of the women in the survey are single, in the case of married people, the balance between family and work is an important issue. In Korea, the responsibility for family labor is increasingly demanded from working women. Recent social changes due to rapid industrialization have affected gender roles in the family system (Kim 2009; Lee and Jeon 2001; Qian and Sayer 2016), but they are still more responsible for most domestic work and childcare. There are women-friendly systems to support work-family balance, such as child rearing hours, flexible working hours, duty exemption, and maternity protection time in the Korean military. However, it seemed that these were not effectively used because female military pastors were reluctant to take advantage of these systems under male-centered culture. This can also be seen in the example of female civil servants in the Korean government (Kim 2008). Even though family-friendly policies have been provided for them to balance work and family life, these were not effectively implemented by the Korean government. Therefore, it is necessary not only to institute various proper women-friendly programs but also promote a women-friendly culture in the Korean military.

Despite the strength of its qualitative approach, which provides rich information and a deeper understanding of female military pastors’ experiences in the Korean military, this study has several limitations. Six of the total eight female military pastors participated in this study. Although the participation rate (75%) was high, it is difficult to generalize data to the entire population of female military pastors through qualitative research. A further limitation is the lack of face-to-face interviews. Due to COVID-19, online interviews were conducted through ZOOM rather than in person. Nevertheless, to my knowledge, this is the first study to explore the ministerial experiences of Korean female military pastors through a qualitative approach; in this way, it provides basic information for further studies on the seminary education of future female military pastors as well as for policies aimed at female leaders working in the Korean military. In addition, it would be possible to present basic data on the formation of a seminary curriculum, such as new training to foster female military pastors for each denomination or continuing education for female military pastors.

5. Conclusions

The purpose of this study was to examine the military and ministry experiences of female military pastors. It determined a wide range of perceived experiences in terms of motivation to apply, role confusion and ambiguity, token women in the Korean Military, perceived barriers or bias, equality experience, lack of network or mentor, and work and family balance. Understanding their experiences can serve as baseline information for planning and formulating appropriate interventions for Korean female military pastors. Over the past 70 years, the number of women working in the Korean military has increased, and this trend is expected to continue. As the number of female military pastors is also increasing, this study expects Korean military chaplaincy to do a better job of accommodating female military pastors.