Religious Beliefs, Journalism, and International Affairs

A special issue of Religions (ISSN 2077-1444).

Deadline for manuscript submissions: closed (15 May 2022) | Viewed by 15884

Special Issue Editor


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Guest Editor
School of Modern Languages, Georgia Institute of Technology, Atlanta, GA 30332, USA
Interests: the development of atheist movements in Arabic-speaking communities; the link between media & Arabic-speaking atheist movements

Special Issue Information

Dear Colleagues,

Religion has reemerged as an important actor in foreign policy. Scholars have noted that much of the security concerns that predominate in the media are linked to specific religious groups (e.g., Islamic terrorism). According to Marsden & Savigny (2009), the way the media shapes the causes of such concerns plays a role in the escalation of conflict and affects our understanding of political and international affairs. Conflict is just one perspective from which we can explore the nexus of journalism, international affairs, and religious convictions (from religious fundamentalism on one end to the abandonment of religion, a.k.a. atheism, on the other). But how do we further theorize this nexus in relation to conflict, democracy, development, human rights, secularization and beyond, in the age of revolutions and pandemics? How do we stimulate the development of new critical theories through the investigation of specific cases?

This special issue on “Religious beliefs, journalism, and international affairs” will provide a venue for scholars working on related issues to present their work and engage in conversation with one another. We invite established, junior, and independent scholars, as well as professional journalists, to explore this nexus from multiple perspectives and disciplines (single discipline, cognitive science, interdisciplinary, transdisciplinary, cross-cultural, comparative). Contributions could offer theoretical analysis or empirical data (interviews, media analysis, contextual analysis, history) that contextualizes specific cases (communities, groups, individuals, institutions, systems) and is grounded in theoretically-informed analyses. Contributions using diverse methodology and mixed-methods are welcome. We hope to receive original proposals from many countries that study specific cases or look at these issues on a global level. Research areas may include (but are not limited to) the following:

  • How do different actors develop communicative and social strategies in multicultural contexts that relate to the nexus? What frames and impression management techniques do they use to navigate the nexus? How do they address different religious and secular audiences?
  • How have shifts in perceived power inequalities caused religious actors involved in mediated international affairs to reposition, fragment, and pluralize?
  • How does media frame our understanding of the nexus? How does it shape the interaction of religious/atheist actors in conflict, peace resolution, the global warming crisis, pandemics, sustainability, migration, international development, humanitarianism, etc. How does the nexus alter religious and atheist identity? How does media’s dependence on consumerism affect the nexus and our understanding of it?
  • How has the massive transfer of religion into digital spaces since the COVID-19 pandemic affected academic and media understandings of the nexus?
  • How do gender, race, class, populism, the body, etc. problematize academic and journalist perspectives related to the nexus?
  • Does journalism hold religious wrongdoers accountable?
  • What role does fear play in journalists’ accounts of religious actors in global and local politics?
  • Is multiculturalism bad for minorities within religious minorities (e.g., ex-Muslims in the West)
  • How do global or local atheisms challenge the meaning of religious freedom and popular mediated discourses on it?
  • Representations of the religious other
  • Journalist perspectives on the compatibility of religion and modern international affairs
  • Digital activism related to the nexus in indigenous cultures or developing countries
  • Post-religious and rational approaches to the nexus (e.g., New Atheism)
  • Reformist and revivalist religious approaches to the nexus (e.g., quietist Salafism)
  • New perspectives on the insights of earlier scholarship (e.g., Hunter 2016, Hoover & Johnston 2012, Hjarvard 2011, Campbell 2010, Anderson & Eickelman 1999)
  • Reflections on the future of the nexus, and how the media will shape religious/non-religious actors’ participation in foreign affairs

References:

Anderson, Jon W. & Dale Eickelman. New Media in the Muslim World (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1999)              
Campbell, Heidi A. When Religion Meets New Media (London and New York: Routledge, 2010)
Hjarvard, Stig. “The mediatization of religion: Theorizing religion, media and social change.” Culture and Religion 12 (2011): 119–35.
Hoover, Dennis R., & Douglas M. Johnston. Religion and Foreign Affairs: Essential Readings (Baylor UP 2012)
Hunter, Shireen T. God on Our Side: Religion in International Affairs (Rowman & Littlefield, 2016)
Savigny, Heather, & Lee Marsden. Media, Religion and Conflict (Farnham: Routledge, 2010)

Dr. Natalie Khazaal
Guest Editor

Manuscript Submission Information

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Keywords

  • journalism
  • international affairs
  • religion, atheism
  • representations of the religious other
  • age of revolutions and pandemics
  • democracy & development
  • conflict & human rights
  • communicative & social strategies
  • digital spaces
  • fear & accountability

Published Papers (7 papers)

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Research

23 pages, 7205 KiB  
Article
Political Bias against Atheists: Talk Shows Targeting Arabic-Speaking Audiences
by Natalie Khazaal, Moustapha Itani and Sami Abdallah
Religions 2023, 14(7), 883; https://0-doi-org.brum.beds.ac.uk/10.3390/rel14070883 - 07 Jul 2023
Cited by 1 | Viewed by 1217
Abstract
Atheism has stirred up controversy in the Arabic-speaking world since the 2011 uprisings, when atheists there began appearing in public. What role does Arabic mass media play in the modern politics of minorities such as atheists, given the heated debates that it hosts [...] Read more.
Atheism has stirred up controversy in the Arabic-speaking world since the 2011 uprisings, when atheists there began appearing in public. What role does Arabic mass media play in the modern politics of minorities such as atheists, given the heated debates that it hosts on atheism? This question is important because perceptions of media frames influence the behavior of politicians and the electorate—and, as a result, laws that affect minority groups such as atheists. This article focuses on Lebanon, where eight of the nine television channels are affiliated with and funded by religious–political parties. It explores the existence of bias against atheists on televised Lebanese talk shows and news reports (2010–2022). Our findings reveal significant bias (69% overall and over 85% in speaker prominence bias), with channels that promote communal religious practice exhibiting the highest levels. Ultimately, our findings demonstrate that television, as the most influential Lebanese and Arabic mass medium, likely affects the public’s negative perceptions of Arabic-speaking atheists. Our findings reflect the decrease in objectivity in conflict-based media and such media’s poor understanding or intentional disregard for media’s crucial role in building a fair, democratic society. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Religious Beliefs, Journalism, and International Affairs)
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20 pages, 706 KiB  
Article
Media Representations of Gendered Minority Practices: The Case of Polygamy in Israel
by Sophia Abela Kiwanuka, Asia Parker and Lihi Ben Shitrit
Religions 2023, 14(2), 162; https://0-doi-org.brum.beds.ac.uk/10.3390/rel14020162 - 28 Jan 2023
Viewed by 1571
Abstract
This paper critically examines how the mainstream media in Israel frame the phenomenon of polygamy among the minority Palestinian Bedouin community within the country. We identify four prominent media frames: (1) an “orientalist” frame, which considers Muslim women as in need of saving [...] Read more.
This paper critically examines how the mainstream media in Israel frame the phenomenon of polygamy among the minority Palestinian Bedouin community within the country. We identify four prominent media frames: (1) an “orientalist” frame, which considers Muslim women as in need of saving from their own culture and religion’s oppression by a modernizing state; (2) a “securitization” frame, which links the practice of polygamy to threats to the state’s security and to “Islamic terrorism;” (3) an “existential threat” frame, which reflects the Israeli Jewish majority’s anxieties about a demographic battle between Jews and Muslims in the country; and finally, (4) a “women’s rights” frame, which is the least prevalent, that addresses polygamy from the perspective of women’s equality and equal citizenship, and which is critical of the discriminatory policies of the state. Theoretically, the paper explicates how the media utilizes minority gendered practices to amplify Islamophobic sentiments in relation to a Muslim community, and how alternative framing and the featuring of critical Muslim women’s voices in the media might mitigate such harmful effects. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Religious Beliefs, Journalism, and International Affairs)
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16 pages, 337 KiB  
Article
“The Most Dangerous Fifth Column in the Americas:” U.S. Journalists and Mexico’s Unión Nacional Sinarquista during World War II
by Julia G. Young
Religions 2023, 14(1), 106; https://0-doi-org.brum.beds.ac.uk/10.3390/rel14010106 - 12 Jan 2023
Viewed by 2376
Abstract
Between 1937 and 1945, numerous American journalists became gravely concerned about a rapidly growing Mexican Catholic right-wing movement, the Unión Nacional Sinarquista (UNS). Founded in 1937, the UNS spread rapidly across Mexico and by 1941, the Sinarquistas had formed numerous chapters in the [...] Read more.
Between 1937 and 1945, numerous American journalists became gravely concerned about a rapidly growing Mexican Catholic right-wing movement, the Unión Nacional Sinarquista (UNS). Founded in 1937, the UNS spread rapidly across Mexico and by 1941, the Sinarquistas had formed numerous chapters in the United States as well. This coincided with the U.S. entry into World War II, and a heightened concern about the potential threat represented by immigrants loyal to Axis powers. Thus, U.S. journalists devoted significant coverage to the Sinarquista movement, casting it as a Fifth Column movement that was taking money, arms, and direct orders from enemies of the United States. In doing so, journalists largely downplayed the inherently Catholic character of the movement, as well as its deep roots in Mexican Church-state history, interpreting it instead within the framework of contemporary geopolitics. As a result, U.S. media consumers received an incomplete portrait of this particular religious “other”. In this article, I focus on the writings of the journalists Allan Chase and Betty Kirk, in order to assess how and why religion and religious belief was de-emphasized in influential media portrayals of the UNS, and why this matters for historians and journalists interested in religious movements. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Religious Beliefs, Journalism, and International Affairs)
14 pages, 284 KiB  
Article
The Practice of Soft Power
by Peter S. Henne and Ahmet Erdi Ozturk
Religions 2022, 13(9), 805; https://0-doi-org.brum.beds.ac.uk/10.3390/rel13090805 - 30 Aug 2022
Cited by 3 | Viewed by 2036
Abstract
Turkey exerts significant influence over Balkans Muslims. While some of this has to do with Turkey’s military and economic power, much relates to their shared religiosity and common history. Some may characterize this as “soft power”; however, this term struggles to completely explain [...] Read more.
Turkey exerts significant influence over Balkans Muslims. While some of this has to do with Turkey’s military and economic power, much relates to their shared religiosity and common history. Some may characterize this as “soft power”; however, this term struggles to completely explain these dynamics. Many Balkans Muslims have an ambivalent attitude towards Turkey, even as they accept its influence. Moreover, Turkish influence comes not from passive qualities it possesses but active steps it takes to maintain its image. We argue that this can be better explained through the practice turn in international relations; Turkey follows commonly accepted religious practices that Balkans Muslims recognize, granting Turkey influence even if they do not internalize its dominant position. We demonstrate this with the results of interviews conducted among Balkans Muslim political, religious and media figures. The article provides insight into the strategies non-state religious actors, states and the media implement in world politics, while also expanding our understanding of soft power in the world. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Religious Beliefs, Journalism, and International Affairs)
21 pages, 903 KiB  
Article
Exploring the Influence of News Consumption on Non-Muslim Australians’ Attitudes towards Muslims
by Jacqui Ewart and Shannon Walding
Religions 2022, 13(8), 744; https://0-doi-org.brum.beds.ac.uk/10.3390/rel13080744 - 15 Aug 2022
Cited by 1 | Viewed by 1631
Abstract
Research into news media representations of Muslims and their faith has focused mainly on how Muslims are portrayed in various types of news media and how stories about or involving them are framed. However, there has been very little attention paid to the [...] Read more.
Research into news media representations of Muslims and their faith has focused mainly on how Muslims are portrayed in various types of news media and how stories about or involving them are framed. However, there has been very little attention paid to the effects of news consumption on attitudes towards Muslims. Accordingly, we wanted to explore a range of issues associated with news consumption levels and attitudes towards Muslims in Australia. The three objectives of this article are to: explore whether the amount of news consumed by respondents to an Australian survey influences the level of animosity they hold towards Muslims; determine how political viewpoint and religiosity influence the relationship between news consumption and animosity towards Muslims; and see whether engagement with Muslims influences the relationship between news consumption and animosity towards Muslims. Through a 2018 nationally representative sample of Australians, we target these objectives by investigating whether the amount of news that non-Muslim survey participants consume in a week influences the levels of anger they feel towards Muslims and how their self-defined religiosity, political viewpoint, and engagement with Muslims affect that relationship, while controlling for known drivers of anti-Muslim sentiment, such as demographic characteristics and knowledge about Muslims. We set our study in the contemporary context of mostly lab-based research that helps us understand how news media consumption affects particular types of people and whether there are commonalities in like-groups’ responses to different types of news consumption; in this case, stories about Muslims and their faith. The findings of our research will be of interest to news media organizations and journalists wanting to know about the effects of their coverage of stories about Muslims and their faith and those wanting to improve that reportage. The results will also interest groups working on social cohesion efforts, those trying to improve inter-faith and inter-cultural relations, and academics investigating news media coverage of Muslims and Islam. Significantly, we find quantity of news consumption to lack effect on anger levels. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Religious Beliefs, Journalism, and International Affairs)
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17 pages, 998 KiB  
Article
Hindu Nationalism Online: Twitter as Discourse and Interface
by Kiran Vinod Bhatia
Religions 2022, 13(8), 739; https://0-doi-org.brum.beds.ac.uk/10.3390/rel13080739 - 12 Aug 2022
Cited by 11 | Viewed by 4405
Abstract
In this article, I use Critical Technocultural Discourse Analysis (CTDA) to examine the productive associations between Twitter as a technological artifact and the quotidian discourse on Hindu nationalism online. The analysis explores the interplay between (1) Twitter as a technical artifact—examining the interface [...] Read more.
In this article, I use Critical Technocultural Discourse Analysis (CTDA) to examine the productive associations between Twitter as a technological artifact and the quotidian discourse on Hindu nationalism online. The analysis explores the interplay between (1) Twitter as a technical artifact—examining the interface for its affordances and protocols; (2) Twitter as practice—unpacking the quotidian discourse conventions and strategies used to articulate Hindu nationalism; and (3) Twitter as ideology—examining how Hindutva ideology co-opts the platform’s affordances to promote anti-minority discrimination. My analysis highlights how the online discourse of Hindu nationalism is a constitutive force informing discussions and decisions concerning several vital issues related to governance, policies, citizenship, COVID-19, and other topics. The discourse of Hindu nationalism online has the potential to percolate into the lived realities of people and has material implications for the workings of the state. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Religious Beliefs, Journalism, and International Affairs)
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14 pages, 345 KiB  
Article
The Defense of Religious Freedom in the Catholic Magazine Vida Nueva during a Catholic Confessional Dictatorship
by Jesús Sánchez-Camacho
Religions 2022, 13(7), 615; https://0-doi-org.brum.beds.ac.uk/10.3390/rel13070615 - 04 Jul 2022
Cited by 1 | Viewed by 1533
Abstract
After the Second Vatican Council ended in 1965, and during a National Catholic dictatorship in Spain, the religious magazine Vida Nueva tried to support the principles of religious freedom promoted by the conciliar assembly. This study focuses on the promotion of liberties during [...] Read more.
After the Second Vatican Council ended in 1965, and during a National Catholic dictatorship in Spain, the religious magazine Vida Nueva tried to support the principles of religious freedom promoted by the conciliar assembly. This study focuses on the promotion of liberties during a regime in which political power was not separated from religious power. The study conducts a quantitative and qualitative content analysis to explore the editorials published by the Vida Nueva weekly between 1968 and 1975. The results show the impact of the Second Vatican Council on the editorial approach of a journal constrained by Franco’s Regime. I show that the weekly reflected the thinking of a significant number of Spanish Catholic readers; it was deeply democratic and promoted the freedom of religion, press, political thought, and association. Consequently, Vida Nueva opposed the repression of the Regime and aimed for a separation of powers between Church and State, mainly so that the Church could preach and promote its social thought in public life. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Religious Beliefs, Journalism, and International Affairs)
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